The first blog post on sympathy and resonance discussed the terminology of resonance in early Chinese thought. It found that there are no instances of ganying being used as a technical term during the Warring States or Han Dynasty. Quite the contrary, the term used by early Chinese thinkers is a variation of 同類相感 (things of the same category move one another) or other such concepts. As was stated in the previous post, the general sentiment in modern scholarship is that this concept of resonance plays a philosophical role in explaining the organic unity of the cosmos and the way in which things were united together as a single whole.
On the surface, the idea is analogous to Stoic sympathy: both play a role in understanding the organic unity of the cosmos and the way in which the world is unity. However, a more systematic comparison between these two concepts shows substantial differences. Comparative research on Greco-Roman and early Chinese thought has not yet focused on this point: what were the philosophical goals in the contexts in which these ideas appeared and what arguments did ancient thinkers want to make? By focusing on the similarities and differences between individual thinkers and schools, we can better enunciate what kinds of concepts and terminology that appear in mainstream arguments from thinkers in both traditions.
NATURAL CORRESPONDENCES AND STOIC ARGUMENTATIVE STRATEGIES
I have found a good starting-point for beginning this comparison. Daryn Lehoux’s book What did the Romans Know makes a brilliant observation concerning the examples of sympathy and antipathy found in ancient Greek and Latin texts. In many of the examples in which discussions of these concepts appear, “we find that enumeration of parallel examples is a common way of discussing the explanatory range of sympathy and antipathy” (Lehoux 2012: 140). These lists contain what we would consider today to be mundane examples: magnets, the effects of static electricity, and the connection between the moon and the tides. These are often mixed with the seemingly fantastical (for example, rubbing garlic on a magnet causes it to lose its sympathetic powers). The lists contain both empirical examples and those that would appear to be common sense in the scientific or cultural categories of the time.
These lists often draw on examples that were common knowledge to readers, and the examples were generally well-accepted (regardless of whether or not they may seem ridiculous to us as modern readers). Lehoux calls these different examples “tropes”. What we see in these lists are attempts to collect such examples and then place them under a single over-arching concept. Brooke Holmes’ recent research has also noted that the Stoics used such lists in their explanations of sympathy: “the Stoic list is designed to point to a principle of order behind the apparent heap of relationships it names.” (Holmes 2019: 247).
Early Chinese thinkers also use the same rhetorical and philosophical strategy: they collect examples and organize them into parallel lists. These lists then served as evidence for the existence of the principle tonglei xianggan. Much as with the Greek and Latin examples, these lists often used “tropes”, common examples that are found across many different texts. These tropes may also originate from empirical observations of the world or from cultural knowledge.
What were the philosophical purposes of using these different kinds of lists? We can begin with looking at some of the Stoic arguments. Many records of Stoic thought are clear that the world was a living organism, unified by the pneuma (breath) that runs throughout the whole. “The cosmos has no empty space within it, but is united with itself. This is a necessary result of the sympathy and tension which binds together the celestial and terrestrial.” (Diogenes, 1925, 7.140 = 2.543 with changes by the author). The cosmos is united with itself (henōsthai auton ἡνῶσθαι αὐτόν), and this is said to be a result of the pneuma which fills the cosmos. Diogenes Laertius also reports the Stoic idea of the cosmos existing as a living being (zōon ζῷον), both animate (empsuchos ἔμψυχος) and rational (logikos λογικός). (DL 7.138-7.139 = SVF 2.633). Alexander of Aphrodisas states that “they [the Stoics] say that since the world is a unity which includes all existing things in itself and is governed by a living, rational, intelligent, nature, the government of existing things which it possesses is an everlasting one proceeding in a sequence and ordering.” (Alexander of Aphrodisias. On Fate 191,30-192,28 = SVF 2.945. Translation from LS 55N).
Other texts explain the connection between Stoic theories of body and the unified nature of the cosmos. According to a report by Sextus Empiricus: “again, some bodies are unified, some are from things fastened together, and some are from things standing apart. Unified are those that are governed by a single holding, like plants and animals; from things fastened together are those that consist of things lying next to each other and heading towards a single culmination, such as chains and cabinets and ships; and from things standing apart are those that are composed from distinct and separate things existing by themselves, such as armies and flocks of choruses.” (Sextus Empiricus adv. Math. 9.78 = SVF 2.1013. Translation taken from (Bett 2012: 1B.78-81). After this explanation on the different kinds of bodies, Sextus explains why the Stoics argued for the organic nature of the cosmos: “But it is not from things fastened together or from things standing apart, as we show from the affinities (sumpatheiōn συμπαθειῶν) present in it. For it is in line with the moon’s periods of growth and decline that many land and sea animals decline and grow, and falling and rising tides occur in certain parts of the sea. Similarly, it is in line with certain risings and settings of the stars that changes in the atmosphere and the great variety of shifts in the air take place, sometimes for the better, but sometimes to pestilential effect. From which it is clear that the world is a unified body.” (Sextus, Bett 2012: 1.B79)
It is in the previous quotation that we also see one of the first examples of lists of natural correspondences: connection between the moon, and the growth of animals, the tides and the starts, the rising and setting of stars etc. are all evidence for the united nature of the cosmos.
In Cicero’s On the Nature of the Gods, the Stoic representative Balbus lists several examples when giving evidence of the divinity of the cosmos. Some of these examples overlap with Sextus. He states that there is both harmony and unbroken affinity in nature and notes the movements of the sun, the spontaneous changes in nature on the solstices, the tides and the moon, and the rotation of the stars in the heavens. After this he concludes this as proof of an all pervading spiritual force that manifests itself throughout the cosmos (Cicero 1997: 2.18-19, 53-54).
Relationships between the celestial and terrestrial realms are used in Seneca’s On Benefits, where he lists the movement of celestial bodies and the relationship between the moon’s cycle and human fertility as examples of providence (Seneca 2011: 4.23.1, 100). Epictetus also draws on natural correspondences as evidence of unity and the united bonds between humans and god (Epictetus 1925:1.14.1-7).
Cicero also gives an example of a list of natural correspondences in discussions on Stoic beliefs concerning divination. While Cicero denies the existence of divination, he admits to the existence of different kinds of natural sympathies: “And yet a certain contact between the different parts of nature may be admitted and I concede it. The Stoics have collected much evidence to prove it. They claim, for example, that the livers of mice become larger in winter; that the dry pennyroyal bloom the very day of the winter solstice, and that its seed-pods become inflated and burst and the seeds enclosed therein are sent in various directions; that at times when certain strings of the lyre are struck others sound; that it is the habit of oysters and of all shell-fish to grow with the growth of the moon and to become smaller as it wanes; and that trees are considered easiest to cut down in winter and in the dark of the moon, because they are then free from sap.” (Cicero 1923: 2.14.33).
The arguments in these texts are quite clear: natural correspondences are used as evidence for the unified nature of the cosmos, providence, and fate. Natural correspondences and sympathy are used as evidence for these points, and the arguments at their core are cosmological. There are more examples that I could point to, but I believe that these should be enough to show how and why Stoics drew on natural correspondences in their arguments.
NATURAL CORRESPONDENCES AND EARLY CHINESE ARGUMENTATIVE STRATEGIES
Little research has been done on the argumentative strategies and goals of Chinese thinkers in their citation of natural phenomena. Often, the discussion is focused on “correlative thinking” or the kinds of “correlative cosmologies” that are found in early Chinese thought. The problem with this macroscopic view is that it does not focus enough on the kinds of arguments that were made by early Chinese thinkers and the philosophical problems which they wanted to solve. Michael Puett has noted the fact that past scholarship on correlative cosmology has often not paid enough attention to the philosophical milieu in which such texts appear, and further, research often does not pay enough attention to understanding why individual thinkers argued for the ideas that they did. This has been questioned by Michael Puett who works to place “correlative cosmologies” within a specific historical background and attempts to figure out why particular thinkers made the arguments that they did. (For an overview, see chapter one of Puett, 2002).
I find myself in agreement with Puett’s methodology. Much of the literature focusing on “resonance theory” or the concept of resonance focus on the organic nature of the cosmos, Chinese ways of thinking, and the broader intellectual trends of early Chinese thought. Few, however, focus on the arguments of individual thinkers to place arguments within the specific philosophical background. The goal here is then to find what kinds of arguments thinkers made when citing natural phenomena along with tonglei xianggan, and then to find what kind of concepts played a role in their argumentative strategies.
At a glance, we might assume that the purpose of these lists are analogous to the Stoics: they want to prove a theory of body or mixture (organic unity), the unified nature of the whole, providence, or other such ideas. The scholarship cited in the previous blog post might add credence to this point.
When one looks at the texts themselves, the view is much less clear.
There are a small handful of examples that we can draw upon. For the purposes of this post I will not quote each passage in its entirety. I will write out the list of examples that are used, list the concept being cited, and then the purpose of the argument. This will be enough to convey the point.
The first three examples are found in the Xunzi 荀子
Xunzi “Exhortations of Learning” 勸學: Glory and shame follow the virtue of a person. Meat and fish rot and insects appear. One acts badly there will be disasters. If one acts evilly there will be resentment. Fire goes first towards wood that is dry. If water is placed on level ground, it will flow towards what is wet. Wherever grass and trees grow, animals will gather. Such all thing follow their categories 物類從其類也
Xunzi “Nothing Improper” 不苟: A gentleman cleans their body and those of like mind will accord with him (同焉者合矣). The gentleman makes his words good and likeminded people respond to him (類焉者應矣). One horse neighs and another responds. One cow moves and another replies.
Xunzi “Grand Digest” 大略: A monarch must be careful in choosing their ministers. A commoner must be careful in choosing their friends. Fire goes towards what is dry, water towards what is wet. All things follow their categories (類之相從).
An early commentary on the Book of Changes 易經: The same sounds mutually respond to one another, the same qi mutually pursue each other. Water flows to what is wet, fire goes towards what is dry. Clouds follow the dragon; winds follow the tiger. The sage acts and the myriad of things look to him. Those of the sky have affinities with that above; those of the earth have affinities with that below. Each thing follows its kind (則各從其類也)
“Erroneous Admonishments” from the Songs of Chu 楚辭·謬諫: The same sounds harmonize with one another, the same categories are similar to one another. Flying birds call to their flocks, deer call for their companions. If one strikes the gong note on an instrument, the gong of another instrument will respond. If one strikes the jue note on an instrument, the jue of another will respond. The tiger roars and valley winds arrive. The dragon rises and radiant clouds appear. Sounds harmonize with one another and categories are affected one another.
Han Commentary on this piece: Each of the correspondences listed above are explaining that if a monarch has clarity then there pure and clearn ministers will enter the court. If the monarch is dim (foolish or non-virtuous) then greedy ministers will be used. Also: if a monarch seeks benevolence (仁) then benevolence will arrive. If monarchs rectify themselves, then their subordinates will be just. If a monarch cultivates virtue then the people will be transformed, etc.
The Heshang Gong 河上公 commentary of the Laozi: The original text states that “if there is not enough trust, then there will be distrust [from others]. The commentary explains. That: “If a monarch is not trustworthy enough to his subordinates, his subordinates will respond (應) to their monarch with distrust. This means that things of the same category mutually follow each other (物類相從), the same sounds respond to one another, and the same qi seek one another. Clouds follow the dragon, winds follow the tiger, water flows to the wet, and fire goes towards the dry. Such things are natural [literally ‘of themselves自然之數] .”
An example from the Book of Han 漢書： There must first be a sage-like ruler before there can be wise ministers. Winds follow the tiger, clouds follow the dragon, crickets chirp at autumn, mayflies come out at night. In peaceful ages with a sage-like monarch, talented people will arrive in the court without needing to be sought out.
Each of these texts use lists of natural correspondences and the principle of tonglei xianggan for understanding human relationships. Note that the list of texts presented above are not concerned with cosmological arguments: they are not trying to discern the way in which “resonance” works with a theory of body, mixture, organic unity, etc. to give a better understanding of the cosmos as whole. The goal of these texts are to show that there exists a kind of natural principle tonglei xianggan, and that this plays a role in human relations. Just as with the natural world, the idea of “like attracts like” plays a role in understanding the way the social world works. People will attract like-minded people, and thus one must work to cultivate oneself to be sure that one attracts the correct kind of people.
The other idea presented in these texts is that there are consequences to one’s actions. How one acts and what one does will have a corresponding reaction. This belief becomes central to other Warring States and Han texts. These later texts add a cosmological element to the theory that “like attracts like”. The main belief in these texts is a belief that monarchs or political leadership are able to “move the heavens”. This was a common belief in the Han Dynasty, and was generally used as a way to persuade political leadership to cultivate themselves and act morally: good actions bring about harmony in the natural world while evil or immoral actions would cause heaven to rain down disasters upon the world.
In this set of texts, we often see lists of natural correspondences that are used to prove the existence of tonglei xianggan. These texts then continue by arguing against beliefs of fate. The idea of fate (ming 命), was popular in the later Warring States and amongst some thinkers of the Han. The general belief of early theories of fate was that only one’s own actions were under one’s control but one’s success/failures, life/death, and all other outside things were not under one’s control. Consequently, there was no direct relationship between one’s moral or immoral actions and one’s success of failures in the social or political world.
These texts use tonglei xianggan to argue against this. They argue that, quite the contrary, there is a direct connection between one’s actions and the state of the world itself. We can look at a few examples:
The “Responding to Similarity” 應同 chapter of the Lüshi Chunqiu 呂氏春秋 begins by stating how virtuous rulers of ancient times followed the movements of the heavens. It then lists several natural correspondences and states the following: “the arrival of disaster and prosperity, the masses believe them to be from fate.” It then continues with examples of how immoral acts create natural disasters, and immoral monarchs and parents create rebellious ministers and children. After this is then states that the sage-king Yao was good and brought prosperity while the tyrant Jie was evil and brought disasters. It then quotes a text saying that disaster and prosperity are summoned (zhao 召) by the actions of people.
The “Summoning Categories” 召類 chapter of the same text argues for much of the same things. It begins with a list of natural correspondences and repeats the statement that the masses believe in fate and don’t understand that disaster and prosperity are brought about by one’s own actions. The chapter then discusses several stories to prove this point.
The “Things of the Same Category Move One Another” 同類相動 chapter of the Chunqiu Fanlu春秋繁露 argues for similar points. The text contains long lists of natural correspondences, and between many of these lists it states that “good actions bring good things, while evil consequences bring evil things.” It also repeats the line from the previous two texts that many wrongly believe that consequences originate in fate. The text continues by stating that the way in which human actions influence the natural world and reiterates the point that any action has a cause. This is true in the natural world and this is true for anything connected with human behavior: anything is the result of one’s own actions, and not the result of “fate”.
The Huainanzi also argues for similar points. Several places in the text argue that the monarch is able to move the heavens and thus the state of the natural world will reflect their level of cultivation. But we see examples that this principle plays a role for humans in general. One chapter of the text states that many people throughout history were able to move the heavens through their sincere actions. Good actions are rewarded, and heaven will punish bad actions no matter how much someone tries to hide them. The text then gives several natural correspondences before arguing that if a sage is ruler of the kingdom, the people will be peaceful, but if a monarch and their ministers are at odds, there will be a myriad of natural correspondences that appear to reflect this fact. Other chapters in the Huainanzi also use natural correspondences and the principle of tonglei xianggan to argue for correspondences between the human and natural world.
There are more texts that I could bring up, but this should be enough for the purposes of the current post. The point here is that each of the 15 examples is concerned with a similar problem: the relationship between human actions and the consequences of said actions. These thinkers were concerned with issues of human efficacy, and whether or not virtuous behavior ensured a peaceful and prosperous life (or for a monarch, a prosperous country). This is no surprise, as such debates were widespread even from some of the earliest surviving texts: we find thinkers concerned about problems of fate, human action, virtue, andto what extent virtue brings success.
However, these debates also show something strikingly different than those found in Stoic texts. There is no mention of “organic unity” or “organicism”, theories of mixture, unified bodies, or anything else analogous to these ideas. These kinds of ideas seem to play little to no role in the argumentative strategies for most of these thinkers. However, mainstream research on Chinese cosmological thinking and resonance almost always focuses on the organic nature of the cosmos and its centrality to these texts.
But it seems that it doesn’t play a central role (while it does in Stoic texts), and it seems that philosophical goals of citing sympathy and resonance are significantly different. Chinese thinkers are not using such arguments to argue for a specific cosmological theory, nor are they concerned with using resonance to prove that the cosmos is a unified entity. When we look at the arguments given by thinkers, we find surprisingly little concerning the “organic” nature of the cosmos.
I believe that placing the argumentative goals and strategies of Stoic and early Chinese thinkers side-by-side helps to enunciate the differences between these two traditions. It shows that despite the fact that thinkers from each tradition may have had analogous ideas or argumentative strategies, the philosophical background and the problems which they focused on were fundamentally different.
If we wish to state that organicism or organic unity and resonance were fundamental ideas in early Chinese thought, it is important to take a closer look at how early thinkers used these ideas in their arguments and what conclusions they wished to draw from them. It is only through a closer analysis of individual texts and their argumentative strategies that we may be able to gain a better understanding of how these thinkers argued and what exactly they argued for.
Works Cited
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